Jackie Robinson Civil Rights Advocate To the average man in the average American community, Jackie Robinson was just what the sports pages said he was, no more, no less. He was the first Negro to play baseball in the major leagues. Everybody knew that…In remembering him, I tend to de-emphasize him as a ball player and emphasize him as an informal civil right leader. That's the part that drops out, that people forget. -Rachel Robinson Jack Roosevelt Robinson (1919-72), the first black man to "officially" play in the big leagues in the 20th century, possessed enormous physical talent and a fierce determination to succeed. In the course of a distinguished 10-year career beginning in 1947, Robinson led the Brooklyn Dodgers to six National League titles and one victorious World Series. Beyond his many and stellar baseball feats, Jackie Robinson went on to champion the cause of civil rights when he retired from the game. The National Archives and Records Administration holds numerous records relating to Jackie Robinson, many of which pertain to his period of civil rights advocacy. Several belonging to that time have been reproduced here for educators teaching courses that involve civil rights events and issues, character education, and effective citizenship skills. JACKIE ROBINSON‘S TELEGRAM TO E. FREDERICK MORROW, AUGUST 13, 1957 Jackie Robinson sent this message to Presidential assistant E. Frederick Morrow in August 1957 as the first civil rights legislation since Reconstruction was being negotiated between Congress and the Eisenhower administration. Public citizen Robinson-along with race leaders such as Ralph Bunche, A.Philip Randolph, and the publishers of the popular black newspapers-the Chicago Defender, (Baltimore) Afro-American, and the (New York) Amsterdam News- considered the emerging final version of the 1957 Civil Rights Act too weak and urged Eisenhower to veto it. In the end, Eisenhower signed the bill. FRED MORROW THE WHITE HOUSE AM OPPOSED TO CIVIL RIGHTS BILL IN ITS PRESENT FORM. HAVE BEEN IN TOUCH WITH A NUMBER OF MY FRIENDS WE DISAGREE THAT HALF LOAF BETTER THAN NONE. HAVE WAITED THIS LONG FOR BILL WITH MEANING CAN WAIT A LITTLE LONGER UNLESS HOUSE AMENDS BILL HOPE THE PRESIDENT WILL VETO IT. WE SINCERELY APPRECIATE THE MANY TRUE AMERICANS WHO INSIST ON EQUAL RIGHTS FOR ALL. JACKIE ROBINSON JACKIE ROBINSON‘S LETTER TO PRESIDENT DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER, MAY 13, 1958 The Supreme Court ruled in 1954 that States must integrate their public schools, but few began to do so voluntarily. Although Arkansas had begun desegregation elsewhere in its school system, in September 1957 Governor Orval Faubus, hoping to gain political favor, used National Guardsmen to block entry of nine black students who were supposed to attend Little Rock's Central High School that school term. Faubus alleged that without such action, violence would have erupted. When President Eisenhower reluctantly sent in Federal troops to protect the students and ensure their right to be at Central High, Jackie Robinson, now a coffee and food vending executive, was reasonably pleased although he believed that decisive Presidential action on civil rights was overdue. Over the years, he had grown increasingly impatient with what he regarded as Eisenhower's failure to face up to the hard facts: Not only did racism exist, so did white efforts to physically intimidate Southern blacks who dared to challenge segregation. He therefore called upon the Chief Executive to guarantee the Federal Government's support of black attempts to exercise rights already granted under the Constitution but in practice denied them because of white resistance. My dear Mr. President: I was sitting in the audience at the Summit Meeting of Negro Leaders yesterday when you said we must have patience. On hearing you say this, I felt like standing up and saying, "Oh no! Not again." I respectfully remind you sir, that we have been the most patient of all people. When you said we must have self-respect, I wondered how we could have self-respect and remain patient considering the treatment accorded us through the years. 17 million Negroes cannot do as you suggest and wait for the hearts of men to change. We want to enjoy now the rights that we feel we are entitled to as Americans. This we cannot do unless we pursue aggressively goals which all other Americans achieved over 150 years ago. As the chief executive of our nation, I respectfully suggest that you unwittingly crush the spirit of freedom in Negroes by constantly urging forbearance and give hope to those pro-segregation leaders like Governor Faubus who would take from us even those freedoms we now enjoy. Your own experience with Governor Faubus is proof enough that forbearance and not eventual integration is the goal the pro-segregation leaders seek. In my view, an unequivocal statement backed up by action such as you demonstrated you could take last fall in dealing with Governor Faubus if it became necessary, would let it be known that America is determined to provide-in the near future-for Negroes-the freedoms we are entitled to under the constitution. Respectfully yours, Jackie Robinson DRAFT LETTER FROM RICHARD M. NIXON TO JACKIE ROBINSON, NOV. 4, 1960 Presidential candidate Richard Nixon wrote this letter 4 days before the 1960 Presidential election. Robinson was pressured into taking an unpaid leave of absence and ending his triweekly column with the liberal New York Post when he publicly endorsed Nixon. Originally the ex-player worked on behalf of liberal Minnesota senator Hubert Humphrey but when Humphrey was eliminated early in the primaries, Robinson's support was up for grabs. Robinson viewed Nixon's civil rights record as more promising than Kennedy's, especially after meeting with both candidates. Dear Jackie: In the last several weeks of the campaign, I have several times come into cities shortly after you have been there. Without exception there have been a great many compliments on the appearances you have made and there is no question but that you are making an enormous contribution to our common cause. Having just made my final swing into the south and the southwest, I am particularly pleased to add to the report I gave you when we chatted last in New York. In South Carolina, as I have done in almost every southern state, I reiterated my views on the need for equality under law for all our citizens. As I told you before, this must be recognized as solid evidence of the progress we are making nationally in the civil rights field. I am advised that my office in Washington has had a number of inquiries asking why I did not intervene in the Martin Luther King case. I know that some of these inquiries were prompted by the well known fact that I have frequently counseled with Dr, King and have a great respect for him. It is easy for one who is not in the Administration to make, what our friend Joe Louis called a "grandstand play" but you and I know that real progress in the civil rights field is best advanced by the day to day consistent application of the principles which we know are sound. I, of course, have no way of knowing what the outcome will be of the election. Our people seem confident and I have attempted to state our case accurately and positively. Whatever the result, I do want you to know that your voluntary campaigning on my behalf has meant a great deal to both Pat and myself and she joins me in sending our warmest regards to you. TELEGRAM FROM JACKIE ROBINSON TO PRESIDENT JOHN F. KENNEDY JUNE 15, 1963 By this pivotal stage in the civil rights struggle, Robinson was fully aware of the lengths to which some Southerners were willing to go to resist desegregation. Not only had governors-including Mississippi's-resisted efforts to integrate lower-level schools, but they had attempted to block lawful efforts by black students to attend state colleges. Even more disturbing was the violence committed against civil rights freedom riders and marchers which was sanctioned, or at least condoned, by local white authorities. One of the worst cases had occurred recently in Birmingham, AL when firehoses, billy-clubs, and attack dogs were pitted against unarmed demonstrators. These brutalities and other incidents, culminating with Medgar Evers's death in June caused a coalition of civil rights groups to organize the massive March on Washington in August. That assemblage of more than 250,000 Americans, white and black, was intended to show public unity and a desire for more effective Federal protection than that afforded by the Civil Rights Acts of 1957 and 1960. Robinson, proud of being black, challenged racial pretensions throughout his life. As a child he fought with rocks against taunting neighbors; as an adolescent he went to jail for a traffic altercation involving a white motorist; and as a college star in four sports, he took no guff from race-baiting competitors. As an Army lieutenant, he so resisted efforts to make him move to the back of a southern bus that he eventually faced court-martial proceedings (where he was found innocent); and as a ball player, he railed against teams and individuals he believed to be racist. This vigilance against racial wrongdoing was a legacy he wanted to pass on to his children-to be willing to stand up for what they believed and to lawfully press for their rights as full-fledged Americans who happened to be black. TO THE PRESIDENT - WHITE HOUSE IT MIGHT SEEM FANTASTIC TO IMAGINE THAT EVEN IN THE STATE OF MISSISSIPPI ANYONE WOULD SEEK TO DO INJURY TO A NON-VIOLENT LEADER LIKE DR. MARTIN LUTHER KING AS HE GOES THERE THIS MORNING ON A MISSION OF SORROW. YET IT WAS FANTASTIC BUT TRUE THAT SOME DEPRAVED ASSASSIN GUNNED DOWN ANOTHER MAN OF NON-VIOLENCE THE LATE MEDGAR EVERS WHOSE FUNERAL DR. KING AND HIS ASSOCIATES WILL BE ATTENDING TODAY IN JACKSON. SHOULD HARM COME TO DR. KING TO ADD TO THE MISERY WHICH DECENT AMERICANS OF BOTH RACES EXPERIENCED WITH THE MURDER OF MR. EVERS THE RESTRAINT OF MANY PEOPLE ALL OVER THIS NATION MIGHT BURST ITS BOND AND BRING ABOUT A BRUTAL BLOODY HOLOCAUST THE LIKE OF WHICH THIS COUNTRY HAS NOT SEEN. I THEREFORE IMPLORE YOU IN THE SPIRIT OF YOUR RECENT MAGNIFICENT APPEAL FOR JUSTICE TO UTILIZE EVERY FEDERAL FACILITY TO PROTECT A MAN SORELY NEEDED FOR THIS ERA. FOR TO MILLIONS MARTIN KING SYMBOLIZES THE BEARING FORWARD OF THE TORCH FOR FREEDOM SO SAVAGELY WRESTED FROM THE DYING GRIP OF MEDGAR EVERS AMERICA NEEDS AND THE WORLD CANNOT AFFORD TO LOSE HIM TO THE WHIMS OF MURDEROUS MANIACS. JACKIE ROBINSON TELEGRAM FROM JACKIE ROBINSON TO PRESIDENT LYNDON B. JOHNSON, MARCH 9, 1965 Jackie was sickened, as so many other Americans were, by the events in Selma, AL where marchers-including women, children, and clergy-were clubbed, resulting in several deaths and many injuries. TO: THE PRESIDENT - WHITE HOUSE IMPORTANT YOU TAKE IMMEDIATE ACTION IN ALABAMA. ONE MORE DAY OF SAVAGE TREATMENT BY LEGALIZED HATCHET MEN COULD LEAD TO OPEN WARFARE BY AROUSED NEGROES. AMERICA CANNOT AFFORD THIS IN 1965. JACKIE ROBINSON LETTER FROM JACKIE ROBINSON TO PRESIDENT LYNDON B. JOHNSON, APRIL 18, 1967 Although Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. was the most prominent spokesman for civil rights, other movement leaders, including A. Philip Randolph, James Farmer, and Julian Bond, actively opposed the war in Vietnam or at least resented the increased amount of Federal money going toward the conflict-resources that otherwise could be spent on domestic problems. Some, like Robinson, believed that King's open opposition endangered the credibility of the movement as charges of Communist infiltration continued to be leveled by white conservatives. Polarization and disillusionment seemed to be taking place in every sector of society. Dear Mr. President: First, let me thank you for pursuing a course towards Civil Rights that no President in our history has pursued. I am confident your dedication will not only continue, but will be accelerated dependent on the needs of all Americans. While I am certain your faith has been shaken by demonstrations against the Viet Nam war, I hope the actions of any one individual does not make you feel as Vice President Humphrey does, that Dr. King's stand will hurt the Civil Rights movement. It would not be fair to the thousands of our Negro fighting men who are giving their lives because they believe, in most instances, that our Viet Nam stand is just. There are hundreds of thousands of us at home who are not certain why we are in the war. We feel, however, that you and your staff know that is best and we are willing to support your efforts for a honorable solution to the war. I do feel you must make it infinitely clear, that regardless of who demonstrates, that your position will not change toward the rights of all people; that you will continue to press for justice for all Americans and that a strong stand now will have great effect upon young Negro Americans who could resort to violence unless they are reassured. Recent riots in Tennessee and Cleveland Ohio is warning enough. Your concern based on causes and not on whether it will hurt the Civil Rights effort, could have a wholesale effect on our youth. Again Sir, let me thank you for your domestic stand on Civil Rights. We need an even firmer stand as the issues become more personal and the gap between black and white Americans get wider. Sincerely yours, Jackie Robinson LETTER FROM JACKIE ROBINSON TO ROLAND L. ELLIOTT APRIL 20, 1972 Time had taken its toll upon Jackie Robinson. Failing health contributed to the pessimistic tone of this letter to Presidential assistant Roland L. Elliott. In addition to suffering from diabetes, hypertension, and the effects of several heart attacks, his hair had turned almost white, he had lost most of his vision, and he was forced to walk with use of a cane. In addition, the deaths of his baseball mentor, Branch Richey, his mother, and his first son, Jackie Robinson, Jr., together with the assassinations of Medgar Evers, Malcolm X, Martin Luther King Jr., and John and Robert Kennedy weighed heavily on him. Further, the escalation of violence on all sides, and the growing radicalization of the civil rights movement, made him fear that wholesale bloodshed between the races was imminent. He died at the age of 53, scarcely 6 months after writing this letter. Dear Mr. Elliott: Thanks for your letter of the 14th. I am sorry the President does not understand my concern. Black America, it seems, comes up short as Presidents study or give time to fashion standards that are designed to help all Americans when in reality it is a smoke screen. Black America has asked so little, but if you can't see the anger that comes from rejection, you are treading a dangerous course. We older blacks, unfortunately, were willing to wait. Today's young blacks are ready to explode! We had better take some definitive action or I am afraid the consequences could be nation shattering. I hope you will listen to the cries of the black youth. We cannot afford additional conflict. Sincerely, Jackie Robinson Though Jackie‘s accomplishments in the sport of baseball are legendary, his efforts in the cause of civil rights should not be forgotten.

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